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In the following interview Varadaraja Perumal, the former Chief Minister of the north and east in Sri Lanka, speaks to the Mainstream editor on the significance of the outcome of the recently held Sri Lankan presidential election.
How do you view the outcome of the Sri Lankan presidential election?
VP: On the whole it’s a very progressive change because under Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government the situation was such that the government was ruling with nepotism in a dictatorial way, curtailing freedom of the press, freedom of political parties, conducting military intervention, and attacking the judiciary’s independence. What is more, the militarisation of the state was carried out in a blatant manner, And the basic rights, human rights of the minorities, both Tamils and Muslims, were under threat from the military-oriented regime.
However, if I may go back in time, you had, in an interview that you gave me following LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran’s assassination on May 18, 2009 (it came out in Mainstream’s May 23, 2009 issue under the heading. “‘Major Hindrance to Democratic Movement among Sri Lankan Tamils has been Removed’: Varadaraja Perumal on Prabhakaran’s Death and Beyond”), exuded a lot of confidence in the Rajapaksa Government.
VP: That is because since Rajapaksa became the country’s President he had promised to the Sri lankan Tamils and India that he would carry out greater devolution for the Tamils. But after the war ended in May 2009 gradually his approach and attitude towards the minorities completely changed.
After he became the President of the country for the second time in 2010, he turned himself into an authoritarian head of state through the 18th Amendment of the Constitution. At the same time he allowed his brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, to use the armed forces as the Secretary of Defence against the democratic parties and minorities, and even against the Sinhalese at times. They transformed the state into a military-supported clannish oligarchy. It was an assault on democracy itself throughout the country. Sri Lanka was moving towards a military junta rule on the lines of several Latin American states and Marcos of the Philippines. That is way I too was compelled to change my attitude towards the Rajapaksa Government.
How did all the forces of the Opposition and even sections of the ruling SLFP come together against the Rajapaksa regime?
VP: Since Rajapaksa’s regime became a ciannish oligarchy with dictatorial proclivities, the space for opposition and dissent was reduced. The Rajapaksa brothers, Mahinda, Gotabaya and Basil, divided all the other political parties to strengthen their centralised rule and weakened the democratic process in the country. And in this endeavour they used the state machinery and resources. Only those who were favourites of the Rajapaksa brothers were able to politically function freely.
The day the Chief Justice, Shrani Bandaranaike, was removed unconstitutionally and illegally (because she had given a verdict against a bill which was violative of the constitutional provisions with regard to devolution) in 2013, the popular movement against the Rajapaksa regime started taking shape. And in due course the movement assumed an increasingly larger dimension and all issues pertaining to the authoritarian and anti-democratic functionng of the government came to the fore to eventually mobilise all sections against the Rajapaksa regime.
His clan was behaving as if the state was its private property. The regime not only promoted militarisation but also rabid Sinhala chauvinism. They demolished mosques in Muslim areas, claiming those areas to be sacred and holy places of Buddhists, and built Buddhist stupas in the country’s north and east dominated by Hindus, Christians and Muslims.
How would you compare this Rajapaksa regime with that of former President Premadasa?
VP: Premadasa’s was an individual authorit-arian rule based on and guided by the President’s executive powers. In Mahinda’s case, he used the military to dominate the entire state structure and intimidate and suppress all opposition.
Moreover, in Premadasa’s time the situation was completely different. A war was raging in the north and east. The Opposition and minority leaders did enjoy the democratic space at that time. While Premadasa tried whip up anti-India sentiments on the issue of the IPKF’s continued presence in the island state (inter-estingly he was backed by the LTTE on this issue), the Left and democratic parties were then able to organise rallies and demonstrations on various questions. Also the Opposition parties then were stronger than during Rajapaksa’s rule.
Premadasa did not enjoy two-thirds majority in Parliament. So in that sence the Rajapaksa regime was more dangerous and evolving into a far worse phenomenon. Had Mahinda won this presidential election, he would have turned more dictatorial with Sinhala chauvinist slogans.
So you are saying this development of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s defeat at the hands of the united Opposition (National Democratic Front) candidate, Maithripala Sirisena, is a victory for democracy?
VP: It is a very progressive development from the standpoint of democracy and fundamental rights. It has really reversed the process of authoritarianism in Sir Lanka. This process was set in motion by Jayawardene, Premadasa and Rajapaksa. This process was under check during Chandrika Kumaratunga’s presidency but not quite reversed. That is because she was unable to change the Constitution to bring about devolution of powers and also reforms in the Constitution since she did not enjoy a two-thirds majority in Parliament.
How would you analyse this latest development from the perspective of Sri Lankan Tamils?
VP: As far as Sri Lankan Tamil politics is concerned, the main issues raised by the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), the largest front among the Tamils that also enjoys Tamil majority support, are:
(i) military dominance and engagements in the north and east,
(ii) expansion of Sinhala colonisation in the Tamil-dominated areas,
(iii) devolution of powers to the provincial council.
The new government of President Maithripala Sirisena in this brief period has taken substantial steps to improve the situation and remove the fear and apprehensions of the Tamils with regard to all the three aforementioned issues. This is actually striking a new a path not only on the ethnic question but also on the subjects of democratisation, demilitarisation and decentralisation.
The 100-day programme promised by the new government of Sirisena is being implemented in right earnest.
But this government too does not have a two-thirds majority in Parliament, isn’t it so?
VP: Almost all the parties represented in Parliament have pledged their unconditional support for implementation of the 100-day programme, and these parties include the entire SLFP and UNP. Therefore the government will not face any problem in mustering two-thirds support in Parliament for making the necessary legal and constitutional amendments.
But after 100 days parliamentary elections are to take place and in those polls won’t the UNP and SLFP go their own ways? In the meantime the 18th Amendment is to be replaced by the provisions of the 17th Amendment thereby reducing the powers of the President and increasing the powers of the PM and Cabinet. Do you envisage any problem following this eventuality of Ranil Wickremasinghe as the Prime Minister assuming a greater role in the coming days?
VP: As far as the 100-day programme is concerned, it does not include anything about devolution. However, administratively the new government has taken measures to carry out devolution of powers. This is something new marking a radical change from Rajapaksa’s policies and practices.
Not only the UNP, even if the SLFP returns to power after the parliamentary elections I sincerely hope they would implement the 13th Amendment of the Constitution (pertaining to devolution) with the genuine spirit of national unity and ethnic reconciliation.
Don’t you think 100 days is too brief a period to carry out such radical changes?
VP: It looks a brief period no doubt. However, since all the parties are in the mood of supporting the contents of the 100-day programme at present, the new government should not have the problem of mustering the necessary numbers in Parliament. Also 100 days may be extended by another 20 or 30 days. That extension could be only for making some practical adjustments.
After 100 days, during the parliamentary elections what would happen if the UNP and SLFP take diverse views on the question of devolution?
VP: Ranil Wickremasinghe as the new PM has already stated in public that he and his party are for regional autonomy. On the other side as far as the SLFP is concerned, in this government and also in future Chandrika Kumaratunga is going to play a pivotal role in guiding the SLFP as a whole. And her views on devolution are well known. She has always been for the devolution of powers. Therefore, whichever party—the UNP or SLFP—comes to power after the parliamentary elections, I hope and sincerely expect it to carry out the devolution process in a dynamic way.
The NDF comprises the TNA on the one side and the JVP and Jatika Hala Urumaya (JHU) on the other. How then can the NDF survive? And for how long?
VP: The first point is that the 100-day programme does not include the devolution aspect. With regard to the military dominance in the north and east, the JVP and JHU both stand for keeping the military out of the purview of interference in civilian life and civil administration.
But when devolution comes into effect what will be the attitude of the JVP and JHU?
VP: In these 100 days the TNA must also play its role carefully and responsibly without creating any situation that could cause embarr-assment to the present united government of the country.
What do you have to say about the new government’s foreign policy with reference to Sri Lanka’s relations with India and China in particular?
VP: The new government, it is clear, will give priority to building good relations and friend-ship based on mutual trust with India.
As far as China is concerned, Sir Lanka may possibly reduce those projects with China that could endanger India’s security. However, friendly economic relations with China are expected to continue without causing any embarrassment to India.
The government’s approach towards India and China would be far different from that of the previous Rajapaksa Government. Rajapaksa’s government played a devious role by trying to use China for checkmating India. That approach is unlikely to be adopted by the present government of Maithripala Sirisena.
Rajapaksa’s government antagonised the West by tilting towards China. This government is expected to strike a balance between the West and China without tilting towards either side and playing one against the other.
Would you like to comment about the role of the Left parties, primarily the LSSP and CPSL, which went the whole hog with Rajapaksa?
VP: I personally expected these parties to take a different stand. I had talks with the leaders of these parties two years ago on the dangerous course which the Rajapaksa Government had embarked on and the role these parties could play in this context. However, they stuck to the United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA) of which these parties were a part in support of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government despite the fact that these Left parties had all along stood for devolution and were also critical of the governance of the three Rajapaksa brothers.
But the fact is that while the leaders of these Left parties continued to back Rajapaksa (claiming that he was anti-West), the rank-and-file of these parties (including a few of the Central Committee and Polit-Bureau members of both parties) largely campaigned against the Rajapaksa regime as they were keen to remove the dictatorial government and restore demo-cracy and rule of law.
Has the outcome of the presidential election and desertion of the rank-and-file from the leadership on support to the Rajapaksa regime brought about any change in the attitude of the leaderships of these parties with regard to Rajapaksa’s government?
VP: So far not. In fact these leaders could and should have played a progressive role to bring about the change in the Sri Lankan political scene that has taken place. Unfortunately they missed the opportunity to do so.
உனக்கு
நாடு இல்லை என்றவனைவிட
நமக்கு நாடே இல்லை
என்றவனால்தான்
நான் எனது நாட்டை
விட்டு விரட்டப்பட்டேன்.......
ராஜினி
திரணகம
MBBS(Srilanka)
Phd(Liverpool,
UK)
'அதிர்ச்சி
ஏற்படுத்தும்
சாமர்த்தியம்
விடுதலைப்புலிகளின்
வலிமை மிகுந்த
ஆயுதமாகும்.’ விடுதலைப்புலிகளுடன்
நட்பு பூணுவது
என்பது வினோதமான
சுய தம்பட்டம்
அடிக்கும் விவகாரமே.
விடுதலைப்புலிகளின்
அழைப்பிற்கு உடனே
செவிமடுத்து, மாதக்கணக்கில்
அவர்களின் குழுக்களில்
இருந்து ஆலோசனை
வழங்கி, கடிதங்கள்
வரைந்து, கூட்டங்களில்
பேசித்திரிந்து,
அவர்களுக்கு அடிவருடிகளாக
இருந்தவர்கள்மீது
கூட சூசகமான எச்சரிக்கைகள்,
காலப்போக்கில்
அவர்கள்மீது சந்தேகம்
கொண்டு விடப்பட்டன.........'
(முறிந்த
பனை நூலில் இருந்து)
(இந்
நூலை எழுதிய ராஜினி
திரணகம விடுதலைப்
புலிகளின் புலனாய்வுப்
பிரிவின் முக்கிய
உறுப்பினரான பொஸ்கோ
என்பவரால் 21-9-1989 அன்று
யாழ் பல்கலைக்கழக
வாசலில் வைத்து
சுட்டு கொல்லப்பட்டார்)
Its
capacity to shock was one of the L.T.T.E. smost potent weapons. Friendship with
the L.T.T.E. was a strange and
self-flattering affair.In the course of the coming days dire hints were dropped
for the benefit of several old friends who had for months sat on committees,
given advice, drafted latters, addressed meetings and had placed themselves at
the L.T.T.E.’s beck and call.
From: Broken Palmyra
வடபுலத்
தலமையின் வடஅமெரிக்க
விஜயம்
(சாகரன்)
புலிகளின்
முக்கிய புள்ளி
ஒருவரின் வாக்கு
மூலம்
பிரபாகரனுடன் இறுதி வரை இருந்து முள்ளிவாய்கால் இறுதி சங்காரத்தில் தப்பியவரின் வாக்குமூலம்
திமுக, அதிமுக, தமிழக மக்கள் இவர்களில் வெல்லப் போவது யார்?
(சாகரன்)
தங்கி நிற்க தனி மரம் தேவை! தோப்பு அல்ல!!
(சாகரன்)
(சாகரன்)
வெல்லப்போவது
யார்.....? பாராளுமன்றத்
தேர்தல் 2010
(சாகரன்)
பாராளுமன்றத்
தேர்தல் 2010
தேர்தல்
விஞ்ஞாபனம் - பத்மநாபா
ஈழமக்கள் புரட்சிகர
விடுதலை முன்னணி
1990
முதல் 2009 வரை அட்டைகளின்
(புலிகளின்) ஆட்சியில்......
(fpNwrpad;> ehthe;Jiw)
சமரனின்
ஒரு கைதியின் வரலாறு
'ஆயுதங்கள்
மேல் காதல் கொண்ட
மனநோயாளிகள்.'
வெகு விரைவில்...
மீசை
வைச்ச சிங்களவனும்
ஆசை வைச்ச தமிழனும்
(சாகரன்)
இலங்கையில்
'இராணுவ'
ஆட்சி வேண்டி நிற்கும்
மேற்குலகம், துணை செய்யக்
காத்திருக்கும்;
சரத் பொன்சேகா
கூட்டம்
(சாகரன்)
எமது தெரிவு
எவ்வாறு அமைய வேண்டும்?
பத்மநாபா
ஈபிஆர்எல்எவ்
ஜனாதிபதித்
தேர்தல்
ஆணை இட்ட
அதிபர் 'கை', வேட்டு
வைத்த ஜெனரல்
'துப்பாக்கி' ..... யார் வெல்வார்கள்?
(சாகரன்)
சம்பந்தரே!
உங்களிடம் சில
சந்தேகங்கள்
(சேகர்)
(m. tujuh[g;ngUkhs;)
தொடரும்
60 வருடகால காட்டிக்
கொடுப்பு
ஜனாதிபதித்
தேர்தலில் தமிழ்
மக்கள் பாடம் புகட்டுவார்களா?
(சாகரன்)
ஜனவரி இருபத்தாறு!
விரும்பியோ
விரும்பாமலோ இரு
கட்சிகளுக்குள்
ஒன்றை தமிழ் பேசும்
மக்கள் தேர்ந்தெடுக்க
வேண்டும்.....?
(மோகன்)
2009 விடைபெறுகின்றது!
2010 வரவேற்கின்றது!!
'ஈழத் தமிழ்
பேசும் மக்கள்
மத்தியில் பாசிசத்தின்
உதிர்வும், ஜனநாயகத்தின்
எழுச்சியும்'
(சாகரன்)
மகிந்த ராஜபக்ஷ
& சரத் பொன்சேகா.
(யஹியா
வாஸித்)
கூத்தமைப்பு
கூத்தாடிகளும்
மாற்று தமிழ் அரசியல்
தலைமைகளும்!
(சதா. ஜீ.)
தமிழ்
பேசும் மக்களின்
புதிய அரசியல்
தலைமை
மீண்டும்
திரும்பும் 35 வருடகால
அரசியல் சுழற்சி!
தமிழ் பேசும் மக்களுக்கு
விடிவு கிட்டுமா?
(சாகரன்)
கப்பலோட்டிய
தமிழனும், அகதி
(கப்பல்) தமிழனும்
(சாகரன்)
சூரிச்
மகாநாடு
(பூட்டிய)
இருட்டு அறையில்
கறுப்பு பூனையை
தேடும் முயற்சி
(சாகரன்)
பிரிவோம்!
சந்திப்போம்!!
மீண்டும் சந்திப்போம்!
பிரிவோம்!!
(மோகன்)
தமிழ்
தேசிய கூட்டமைப்புடன்
உறவு
பாம்புக்கு
பால் வார்க்கும்
பழிச் செயல்
(சாகரன்)
இலங்கை
அரசின் முதல் கோணல்
முற்றும் கோணலாக
மாறும் அபாயம்
(சாகரன்)
ஈழ விடுலைப்
போராட்டமும், ஊடகத்துறை
தர்மமும்
(சாகரன்)
(அ.வரதராஜப்பெருமாள்)
மலையகம்
தந்த பாடம்
வடக்கு
கிழக்கு மக்கள்
கற்றுக்கொள்வார்களா?
(சாகரன்)
ஒரு பிரளயம்
கடந்து ஒரு யுகம்
முடிந்தது போல்
சம்பவங்கள் நடந்து
முடிந்துள்ளன.!
(அ.வரதராஜப்பெருமாள்)
அமைதி சமாதானம் ஜனநாயகம்
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