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(By Varatharaja Perumal)
The Proposed 19th Amendment (19A), despite its being deemed a cyanide to wipe out Monarchic Authoritarianism and Naxist Patriotism, is a medical tonic essential for restoration of and advance further the health of democracy in and preservation of true unity of Sri Lanka. My humble submission here is to strengthen it properly. In the last Presidential election people did not elect a President to rule with the executive presidency but mandated for implementing the 100 days programme pledged and promised by the President Maithripala Srisena. Defeat of the former President Mahinda Rajapaksa was a clear rejection of the executive Presidency and assent to bring the independence of Judiciary, ensure fundamental and human rights and rule of law. People of Sri Lanka has rejected all kinds of narrow, vested interested and chronic nationalism and crude nation theories but have asserted the unity of Sri Lankan nationalism and democratic aspirations irrespective of linguistic and religious differences. The President Sirisena is obliged to the people elected him with an object that he would invariably ensure the implementation of the 100 days programmes, notwithstanding of all kinds of provokes and challenges. It is the duty of not only the President but also mainly of the PM Ranil Wickremesinghe, former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, Gen. Sarath Fonseka, Venerable religious priests who committed good governance to the people, JVP and JHU leaders, SLMC and ACMC leaders and the Tamil leaders including that of upcountry and the North-East, all who campaigned and promised during the last Presidential election. Otherwise, all the lost persons waiting for their opportunity would fly to sky as if newly born angels and raise the question of credibility and dependability of the present government and its supported forces.
It is therefore the President and his advisers and close aides and the Prime Minister to concentrate what is good for the future of the country. When I go through the proposed 19A, I strongly feel to express my appreciation to the commitment of the commendable job that has been done in such a short time by Dr. Jayampathy Wickremaratne and his team of legal experts. However, since they have asked comments, suggestions and corrections from outside of the government, regarding proposed amendments, I being a person having a little experience in the political affairs of Sri Lanka and an ambition to make Sri Lanka to be a genuinely democratic, politically pluralistic, truly peaceful and sustainably developing united nation accommodating all divergences and differences harmoniously.
Right to Access for Information (RTI);
The proposed amendment should include not only the rights but also the duties of all the departments of the government and their district branches to have compulsorily information officers to ensure the access for information without any undue delay to the persons entitled and duly requesting. The relevant Act of the Parliament may contain the provisions for such need. However, as the RTI is a part of the Fundamental rights, the duty of the government should be ensured by the Constitution without any loopholes for the government to excuse and comfortably escape from such duty.
Election to the President;
The future president is going to be a nominal executive head of the State and is going to act always in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister (PM) and the Cabinet. To elect such a symbolic President, is it necessary that the State should spend so much of vast public resources in order to make the voters of the whole country to exercise their voting rights? The country has experienced that every time the Presidential elections result to a sort of civil conflict and irretrievably dividing the people of the country vertically, not only simply as the division of voters but also as majority versus minorities. The Presidential elections so far have repeatedly facilitated the chauvinistic and narrow nationalistic forces to sustain with mala fide propagation and promotion of distrust and disharmony between the common masses and check the liberal forces from progressing in the process of democracy and devolution.
I, therefore, propose that the 19A should be amended appropriately to elect the next President of Sri Lanka by a widely represented electoral collegiums consisting members of the Parliament, the Provincial Councils and the local councils, All Sri Lankan Services Personnel and registered Professionals including Lawyers and Charted Accountants and if possible extent to include the citizens holding graduation degree and above passed from SL universities and affiliated colleges and other universities recognized by the University Grant Commission.
Election of Interim President;
The interim President should be elected not only by the Parliament but also together with the members of the Council of States and the Provincial Councils. If the Parliament only elects, then such interim President would be a person of the Central Government.
The President to hold some Ministerial Portfolios and the discretionary Powers;
According to the proposed amendment, the President shall have some executive powers, particularly in function referred to in the proposed Art 33(2) (b) and (c). It is not clear whether he would have any specified ministries under him and he would act in exercise his functions in the said matters also on the advice of the PM or act at his discretion.
It is to be clearly said In the proposed constitutional amendments that unless s/he is required to act at her/ his discretion in any function referred expressly and specifically in any clause of the Constitution, the President should act only in aid and accordance with the advice of the PM and his Cabinet. Otherwise, it may be imminent to lead for misinterpretations in the future and will end up with confusion and constitutional crisis as the Provincial councils face in Sri Lanka in respect of the powers of the Governors.
How and Why the President shall be Answerable to the Parliament?
It is widely understood that according to the 19A, the President is going to act always and only on the advice of the PM and the Cabinet of Ministers. In this circumstance, why the President is required to answer to the Parliament, since s/he shall not decide or execute any act on her/his own desire or discretion. All acts executed by the government in the name of the President are not the acts of the President but of the officers and authorities function under the direction and control of the PM and the Cabinet Ministers.
Further, the 19A provides a list of functions to be executed by the President. When some functions are, specifically by the Constitution, reserved for her / him, irrespective of whether s/he shall act at his discretion or otherwise, the President has to act as a Minister in executing such functions. However, it is impossible and improper that the President himself shall in person appear before the Parliament and answer to the questions of the members. It is therefore that the Amendment should provide that the PM or any other Minister should be made answerable to the Parliament on behalf of the President in relation to the acts executed by the President through the officers of the departments functioning directly under the President.
Political affiliation of the President;
To make the new arrangements successful the President should be a non- political person. He may be a member of any political party or a front. But, once s/he is elected to the office of the President, s/he should not be identified or affiliated with any particular party. Then only s/he can be deemed as a symbol of national unity as the Constitution requires.
Status of the Former Presidents;
No former President should contest in any election or hold any office of profit in any part of the State. However, former Presidents should be provided official houses with assistants and servants, adequate emoluments, sufficient transport facilities and necessary level of security, etc. Former Presidents’ immunity may be limited but their dignity should be maintained until they are found guilty on specific criminal charges after due process of law.
Presidential Rule and No Care-taker government;
It is widely acknowledged that the ministers of the incumbent governments misuse the public resources and the State apparatus for their victory in the elections they face. I, therefore propose that during the election for the Parliament, the Central Government should be brought under the Presidential rule in aid and consultation with the incumbent secretaries of the Ministries for the election period from the day of nomination to the taking over of the new government. Later, this principle may be applied to the Provinces.
Review power of the Judiciary;
I expected that the proposed amendment would repeal the Art 80(3) of the existing constitution and empower the Judiciary to review any law at any time as to whether such law or any provision of such law violates any provision of the Constitution or in any manner violates the fundamental and human rights provided by the Constitution. In my opinion, the Art 80(3) of the existing Constitution [it is proposed to be amended as the Art 80(4)], is contrary to the principle of the Constitutional Democracy and it asserts the superiority of the legislative organ over the other organs of the State. So, it contradicts with the principle of separation of powers.
Further, the compliance of all the provisions of an Act to all the provisions of the Constitution and the real practical implications and future consequences in respect of the fundamental and human rights cannot be contemplated fully and comprehensively within the short period given before making the Bill into an Act of the Parliament. Every law of the legislature and act of the government should be in accordance and in compliance of the Constitution, if not, the Constitution would become a redundant and ridiculed booklet. Further, in case somehow the incumbent government manages the judiciary to consent the constitutional validity to its Bill and make the Parliament to pass such Bill to become an Act, then such Act shall prevail permanently despite of its constitutional invalidity. Experience of the Divineguma Act should be taken in to consideration. In such situation the Constitution shall have no value towards such an Act. It denies the sovereignty of the people to reassert and restore always the Constitutional superiority.
It is therefore the 19A should provide flexibility to the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka to decide and review the Constitutional validity of any Act at any time. The assertion of the rule of law sustains not only on the review of the executive functions but also on the review of the law /statutes that in any way or manner may provide the grounds for executives to violate the Constitution.
The Proposed Council of State;
Idea of establishing a Council of States at the Centre is an innovative one. A similar type of arrangement was proposed in the recommendation made by the All Party Representative Committee led by Prof. Tissa Vitharana. The 19A proposes it as a powerless and only a commentary making body on Bill placed in the Parliament and in respect of the acts of the executives and events happening in the country. In this circumstance, the representations of the Chief Ministers in this Council shall have no value except participating to shout in a different forum.
I, therefore, propose a Council of States which shall have someway meaningful and useful functions as following:
1) The Council is to have 100 members in total.
2) The Chairman of the Council may be nominated by the President or elected by the Council itself from the members of the Council or from any of the eminent and experienced personalities in the Country.
3) The Chairman should be a person of a national community other than that of the President.
4) The representation to minority national communities should be reserved together not less than 40 percent of the total members of the Council.
a) Provincial Councils to elect 40 members in total – in average one member to each 10 members of each PC. Out of the 40 members, 20 members should be women in total.
b) Two members from each district, nominated by the Prime Minister in concurrence with the Opposition leader and after consultation with the party leaders represented in Parliament. In case of no concurrence, the President shall have the final decision from the lists of recommendations of the PM and the Opp. Leader. In this representation at least women should be one third.
c) Another 10 members appointed by the Cabinet Decision and ratified by the Parliament
5) Powers and functions of the Council inter alia:
a) If the majority of the members of the Council or the Supreme Court considers in a proceeding or sue motto that a Bill or any provision of such bill is harmful or detrimental to the powers of the Provincial Councils or to any statuary and fundamental rights of any national community, then such Bill or such provisions should not become Act of the Parliament unless such Bill or such provision is approved by the two third members of the Council.
b) Every Bill placed in the Parliament should be discussed and debated and the recommendations approved by this Council should be sent to the Parliament for its consideration and the Parliament should consider the opinions of this Council before making such Bill into an Act.
c) Every Minister of the government should answer by present before the Council to the questions raised in writing by the Members of the Council, in reference to the duties, responsibilities and acts of the Minister or any department, authority or officer of his ministry
d) The Council with the approval of the majority of members should be able to refer any Act or Bill or any act of the government to the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka for obtaining the Constitutional validity of such Act or Bill or such act of the government.
The Constitutional Council;
I wish to note about the proposed Art 41A (1) (e), in accordance of which, five members have to be nominated by the PM and Opposition leader to the Council. I propose that after having consultation with the party leaders in Parliament, the PM and the Opp. leader shall appoint two members each at their choice. In case there is no consent in appointing the fifth person the President may appoint that fifth member from the list of names recommended by the PM and the Opp. leader. However, all three have to ensure that the Constitutional Council reflects the pluralistic character of Sri Lankan society, including professional and social diversity.
Independent Devolution Commission (IDC);
I propose for an Independent Devolution Commission also to be appointed by the Constitutional Council
At present, every Minister of the government and every Governor of the provinces determine and interpret the provisions of the 13A and the related Acts on their own way and understanding. It is one of the main reasons hurdling the effective functioning of the PCs. There are hundreds of differences and disputes with regard to the 13A. Supreme Court is the final authority to provide final interpretation to the provisions of the Constitution and the Constitutional validity of any law. However, if we expect that the Supreme Court would resolve all the disputes and differences relating to the powers of the PCs it will take further many decades, even if all the disputes are raised now before the Supreme Court.
Further when any matter related to the powers of the PCs is taken before the Supreme Court, it immediately become a politically and communally sensitive, consequently such situation creates prejudice to the proceedings and affects the decision of the Court.
Therefore, there is an urgent need of an impartial and independent mechanism to resolve the disputes and differences peacefully and amicably within the four walls between the Central government and PCs, establish a cooperative participation between the both administrations and facilitate the PCs to functions efficiently. The IDC may function as a Resolving / Clearing House between the PCs regarding any dispute among them.
To make a change of shape in an iron rod strike when it is red in hot.
*Varatharaja Perumal – Former Chief Minister of North-East Province
(COLOMBO_TELEGRAPH)
உனக்கு
நாடு இல்லை என்றவனைவிட
நமக்கு நாடே இல்லை
என்றவனால்தான்
நான் எனது நாட்டை
விட்டு விரட்டப்பட்டேன்.......
ராஜினி
திரணகம
MBBS(Srilanka)
Phd(Liverpool,
UK)
'அதிர்ச்சி
ஏற்படுத்தும்
சாமர்த்தியம்
விடுதலைப்புலிகளின்
வலிமை மிகுந்த
ஆயுதமாகும்.’ விடுதலைப்புலிகளுடன்
நட்பு பூணுவது
என்பது வினோதமான
சுய தம்பட்டம்
அடிக்கும் விவகாரமே.
விடுதலைப்புலிகளின்
அழைப்பிற்கு உடனே
செவிமடுத்து, மாதக்கணக்கில்
அவர்களின் குழுக்களில்
இருந்து ஆலோசனை
வழங்கி, கடிதங்கள்
வரைந்து, கூட்டங்களில்
பேசித்திரிந்து,
அவர்களுக்கு அடிவருடிகளாக
இருந்தவர்கள்மீது
கூட சூசகமான எச்சரிக்கைகள்,
காலப்போக்கில்
அவர்கள்மீது சந்தேகம்
கொண்டு விடப்பட்டன.........'
(முறிந்த
பனை நூலில் இருந்து)
(இந்
நூலை எழுதிய ராஜினி
திரணகம விடுதலைப்
புலிகளின் புலனாய்வுப்
பிரிவின் முக்கிய
உறுப்பினரான பொஸ்கோ
என்பவரால் 21-9-1989 அன்று
யாழ் பல்கலைக்கழக
வாசலில் வைத்து
சுட்டு கொல்லப்பட்டார்)
Its
capacity to shock was one of the L.T.T.E. smost potent weapons. Friendship with
the L.T.T.E. was a strange and
self-flattering affair.In the course of the coming days dire hints were dropped
for the benefit of several old friends who had for months sat on committees,
given advice, drafted latters, addressed meetings and had placed themselves at
the L.T.T.E.’s beck and call.
From: Broken Palmyra
வடபுலத்
தலமையின் வடஅமெரிக்க
விஜயம்
(சாகரன்)
புலிகளின்
முக்கிய புள்ளி
ஒருவரின் வாக்கு
மூலம்
பிரபாகரனுடன் இறுதி வரை இருந்து முள்ளிவாய்கால் இறுதி சங்காரத்தில் தப்பியவரின் வாக்குமூலம்
திமுக, அதிமுக, தமிழக மக்கள் இவர்களில் வெல்லப் போவது யார்?
(சாகரன்)
தங்கி நிற்க தனி மரம் தேவை! தோப்பு அல்ல!!
(சாகரன்)
(சாகரன்)
வெல்லப்போவது
யார்.....? பாராளுமன்றத்
தேர்தல் 2010
(சாகரன்)
பாராளுமன்றத்
தேர்தல் 2010
தேர்தல்
விஞ்ஞாபனம் - பத்மநாபா
ஈழமக்கள் புரட்சிகர
விடுதலை முன்னணி
1990
முதல் 2009 வரை அட்டைகளின்
(புலிகளின்) ஆட்சியில்......
(fpNwrpad;> ehthe;Jiw)
சமரனின்
ஒரு கைதியின் வரலாறு
'ஆயுதங்கள்
மேல் காதல் கொண்ட
மனநோயாளிகள்.'
வெகு விரைவில்...
மீசை
வைச்ச சிங்களவனும்
ஆசை வைச்ச தமிழனும்
(சாகரன்)
இலங்கையில்
'இராணுவ'
ஆட்சி வேண்டி நிற்கும்
மேற்குலகம், துணை செய்யக்
காத்திருக்கும்;
சரத் பொன்சேகா
கூட்டம்
(சாகரன்)
எமது தெரிவு
எவ்வாறு அமைய வேண்டும்?
பத்மநாபா
ஈபிஆர்எல்எவ்
ஜனாதிபதித்
தேர்தல்
ஆணை இட்ட
அதிபர் 'கை', வேட்டு
வைத்த ஜெனரல்
'துப்பாக்கி' ..... யார் வெல்வார்கள்?
(சாகரன்)
சம்பந்தரே!
உங்களிடம் சில
சந்தேகங்கள்
(சேகர்)
(m. tujuh[g;ngUkhs;)
தொடரும்
60 வருடகால காட்டிக்
கொடுப்பு
ஜனாதிபதித்
தேர்தலில் தமிழ்
மக்கள் பாடம் புகட்டுவார்களா?
(சாகரன்)
ஜனவரி இருபத்தாறு!
விரும்பியோ
விரும்பாமலோ இரு
கட்சிகளுக்குள்
ஒன்றை தமிழ் பேசும்
மக்கள் தேர்ந்தெடுக்க
வேண்டும்.....?
(மோகன்)
2009 விடைபெறுகின்றது!
2010 வரவேற்கின்றது!!
'ஈழத் தமிழ்
பேசும் மக்கள்
மத்தியில் பாசிசத்தின்
உதிர்வும், ஜனநாயகத்தின்
எழுச்சியும்'
(சாகரன்)
மகிந்த ராஜபக்ஷ
& சரத் பொன்சேகா.
(யஹியா
வாஸித்)
கூத்தமைப்பு
கூத்தாடிகளும்
மாற்று தமிழ் அரசியல்
தலைமைகளும்!
(சதா. ஜீ.)
தமிழ்
பேசும் மக்களின்
புதிய அரசியல்
தலைமை
மீண்டும்
திரும்பும் 35 வருடகால
அரசியல் சுழற்சி!
தமிழ் பேசும் மக்களுக்கு
விடிவு கிட்டுமா?
(சாகரன்)
கப்பலோட்டிய
தமிழனும், அகதி
(கப்பல்) தமிழனும்
(சாகரன்)
சூரிச்
மகாநாடு
(பூட்டிய)
இருட்டு அறையில்
கறுப்பு பூனையை
தேடும் முயற்சி
(சாகரன்)
பிரிவோம்!
சந்திப்போம்!!
மீண்டும் சந்திப்போம்!
பிரிவோம்!!
(மோகன்)
தமிழ்
தேசிய கூட்டமைப்புடன்
உறவு
பாம்புக்கு
பால் வார்க்கும்
பழிச் செயல்
(சாகரன்)
இலங்கை
அரசின் முதல் கோணல்
முற்றும் கோணலாக
மாறும் அபாயம்
(சாகரன்)
ஈழ விடுலைப்
போராட்டமும், ஊடகத்துறை
தர்மமும்
(சாகரன்)
(அ.வரதராஜப்பெருமாள்)
மலையகம்
தந்த பாடம்
வடக்கு
கிழக்கு மக்கள்
கற்றுக்கொள்வார்களா?
(சாகரன்)
ஒரு பிரளயம்
கடந்து ஒரு யுகம்
முடிந்தது போல்
சம்பவங்கள் நடந்து
முடிந்துள்ளன.!
(அ.வரதராஜப்பெருமாள்)
அமைதி சமாதானம் ஜனநாயகம்
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