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Launching Of The
North East Provincial Council
(S. Sivathasan) Prelude
The election of R. Premadasa as President of Sri Lanka was
needed to give life to the North East Provincial Council (NEPC), and to get it
moving. No sooner was he elected President, Varadaraja Perumal, the Chief Minister in waiting called on HE R. Premadasa the newly
elected President. What is happening in the NEPC? inquired
the President. Sir, nothing is moving and to make the Council work, I don’t
have officers. When the President gave kinetic energy to the Council ‘Premadasa Style’, it got started immediately and changed to
top gear.
The Launch
The sequence of
events was as follows. On 19th November was the NEPC election.
On 30th November Lieutenant General Nalin
Seneviratne was appointed Governor. On 19th December
was the Presidential election. The CM’s meeting was about 23rd December 1988.
By this time the CM had only two officials. Dr.Wigneswaran, Secretary to the CM
and Mr. V.N. Sivarajah, Chief Secretary (CS).
Finances available to the Council were nil. Take any officer you want
from the Public Service and the letter of release will follow, was his
directive. An allocation of Rs. 5 million was also made for spending within a
week and it was spent usefully. With these two decisions the Council got going
and established the Secretariat in Trincomalee.
Taking off was a
challenge. At the outset many were reluctant to join the NEPC. It was Wigneswaran’s idea and was endorsed by the CM, that to be
Chief Secretary, the senior most officer in the SLAS alone can command the
allegiance of the officialdom. He approached the most senior but he declined.
He then requested the next, he too declined. The third Mr. Sivarajah
accepted. The choice was excellent. Besides varied experience he was senior
even to quite a few Secretaries in central Ministries. His cast of mind was
well suited for the challenges ahead. The news inspired confidence among other
public servants to join the NEPC.
The Board of
Ministers comprised five – three Tamils, one Sinhalese and one Muslim. In view
of the merger of two Provinces, ten Ministries were allowed with each one
handling two portfolios. The same number of Secretaries was also allowed.
Selections were made on seniority and merit and letters were issued from the
NEPC Secretariat. Four of us received letters in Jaffna about 1st January
1989. IPKF helicopter took us to Trincomalee. A few
more Secretaries joined us in close succession to compose the full complement
of ten.
Beginning
Till permanent
accommodation was arranged in two months, most of us stayed together in the
Irrigation Department circuit bungalow. For the CS, the day dawned at 3.30 am
and with his humming of thevarams (Hindu religious songs ) we were up at 4. From 4.30 to 6 am
discussions and writing and then all at office between 7 and 7.30. All were in
a single large room of the CM. A single conference table served the table needs
for all. In a few weeks the secretariat was furnished and well equipped. For
most senior officers the day ended at 6 or 6.30 and not later because of the
curfew at 7pm. With time and energy fruitfully spent, a vertical takeoff was
possible.
The first duty of
the Secretaries was to set up the departments, staff them and to equip them.
All these were done from scratch from Head of Department downwards. After the
Council got stabilised getting the staff from
established departments became easy. Trincomalee
ceased to be a bogey and the EPRLF government became respectable. It drew the
attention of Colombo and earned the respect of those in North East.
For all the
success, the leadership of the Chief Minister buttressed by the invaluable
contribution of Mr. Sivarajah and sagacity of Dr. Wigneswaran mattered. The CM had a knack for taking swift
and pragmatic decisions. His mind was not weighed down by any ideological
baggage. Nor was it assailed by doubts or diffidence. In the NE he navigated in
hostile waters since Tigers were on the prowl. Merged NEPC was twice the size
of the other ones. He wanted to demonstrate that granted the opportunity Tamils
could administer. Making a success of it was a passion and he made it so.
As the offices got
streamlined, priority shifted to development effort. It had to be placed on a
sure footing with a sound policy frame. Policy certainly had to take its
bearings from national parameters, though much leeway was available for
Provincial initiative. The process of devolution itself demanded dialogue for expanding
the scope and to quicken speed.
Central Ministers The first Central
Minister to invite the CM and the relevant officials to the Ministry on his own
initiative was Hon. S. Thondaman. This was in early
January. I was present since I handled the subject of Livestock Development.
The fullest authority to make this subject effective was devolved by the
Minister. At an in house meeting in the Ministry, when an officer expressed
fears at the extent of devolution the Minister quipped “nobody will go to courts
on that score”. Throughout my tenure, I had maximum support from the Ministry
and proactive cooperation from the parent Department. The Department of
Agriculture too was among the earliest to devolve with authority, finances and
staff. The personality of the Director Dr. Irwin, made
a difference since he had a good grasp of devolution. Ministers too visited Trincomallee and had discussions with CM, Ministers and
officials. Hon. Ranil Wickremasinghe had the twin
subjects of Education as well as Youth Affairs and came more often. Since I was
Secretary for the subject of Agriculture in the Province, I attended quarterly
conferences at the national level in Colombo chaired by Hon. Lalith Athulathmudali, Central Minister
of Agriculture. He extended his fullest cooperation for the devolution process.
Our initiatives coupled to his pragmatic approaches made for success. The
Secretary Mr. MDD Pieris, a blessing for the Minister
was a blessing for us too. He was among the most stand out and his decisions in
our support were proactive and bold.
Governor
The first Governor
of NEPC was Lt. Gen. Nalin Seneviratne.
He held office for the full term from Nov. 1988 to Nov. 1993. He was exemplary.
He was one among the first batch of six multi ethnic selectees, to proceed to Sandhurst in 1952. Selections were made by a Board chaired
by Sir Kandiah Vaithianathan
the then Secretary Defence. Once the Governor told me
that this was the way Vaithianathan strove to
maintain an ethnic balance. He retired from the army as its Commander.
He assumed office
with the benefit of experience, but dispensed with his command antecedents. He
had the most exact conception of a Constitutional Head of the Province yielding
the fullest space to the elected Council, the Chief Minister, the Board of
Ministers and officials. He entertained no thought of deflecting or overriding
devolved authority with Central directive or control. With all the personnel he
had a warm rapport. In Parallel he maintained a delicate balance with the
Centre. Provincial governance moved smoothly on.
Institutions
Besides Ministries
and Departments, two important institutions were created: the Provincial Public
Service Commission and the Auditor General’s Department. Both were manned by
competent personnel who did credit to those institutions. For new appointments
which were many, in various grades, procedures were laid down and selections
made accordingly. Full documentation was made and appointments were duly
approved by the PPSC. Adherence to propriety insulated all appointees from any
future problem. In all this the Chief Secretary brought his mature experience
to bear. With high pressure work it was tempting for some of us to neglect
them. Till April New
Year, governance was smooth sailing. Circumstances demanded it. President was
sworn in on 2nd January 1989. General elections were scheduled
for February. Whatever the spread of the IPKF, the militants
made their presence felt in the North East. Turmoil in the South seemed
difficult to contain. The economy was in the doldrums. The President’s concern
was to consolidate his position. Perhaps cordiality with India seemed advisable
and it was extended to the CM and the Provincial government.
Budget 1990
In the latter part
of 1989, the budgetary exercise was initiated by the Ministry of Finance of
NEPC, with a Budget Call providing realistic parameters. The Draft Estimates
prepared by individual Ministries were further reviewed with the Ministry
Secretary by a committee of three Secretaries before being sent to the
Provincial Treasury. The ‘Printed Estimates’ brought out after laborious effort
and submitted with the Budget Speech was an impressive 300 page volume in Programme Budget format. It was to the credit of the
Secretary Finance Mr.S. Dharmalingam
who was both SLAS and an Accountant. In several ways the NEPC demonstrated that
it had come into its own with consummate skill.
Turn of the Tide
A few days
preceding New Year an explosion near the Trinco clock
tower – always a sensitive area - signalled
a break down in relations between the Centre and the Province. For the powers
that be at Trinco and perhaps with IPKF intelligence,
certain surmises were possible. For all the cordiality and help some quid pro
quo or reciprocity was anticipated by Colombo politically. It was not
forthcoming from the CM who had his Provincial constituency and interests to
safeguard and foster. He stood steadfast. The breakdown did not hinder the work
programme that was set in motion. However
the talks that the government had with the LTTE and the growing rapport between
the two, had their inevitable impact in the Province. This was from
mid-1989 onwards.
Adverse Events
The next major
event to have significant political consequences was the General Election in
India in November 1989. The Congress and Rajiv Gandhi were defeated and VP Singh
was elected Prime Minister. The latter’s compulsion was to correct a wrong. The decision to invade wastaken without
circumspection. A wasteful war with heavy casualties to India, was being prosecuted due to miscalculation of enemy
strength. These factors were compounded by the hostility of Premadasa
Government. The changed political equation was unfavourable
to the NE Provincial government. This was fully realized after the CM’s meeting
with the PM in early January 1990. On his return he
called all the Secretaries and apprised us of the adverse turn in political
circumstances. He told us very candidly that his mission had failed. “IF I say
I can give you protection it is a lie. Therefore you have to safeguard
yourselves. Photo copiers and typewriters we can buy, but Secretaries (ie like you) we cannot get. So you have to remain safe”. He
added “By 15th March the Provincial Council will wither away.
By the 15th June war will break out between the government and
the LTTE”. On the dot both
happened. This was not advance knowledge of a diabolical plot. It was intuitive
political judgment. The Secretaries being targets were constrained to move out
after mid-February.
Unilateral
Declaration of Independence
UDI is serious
business and a matter of life and death. Even after thirty years of a
non-violent mass movement Nehru did not declare a UDI. Pirapakaran
did not issue a declaration even after 26 years of violent struggle. Varadaraja Perumal’s declaration
was treated as issued with levity. It was a respectable smoke screen, as a
prelude to flight. On February 4th evening 1957, the writer was
present at a public meeting of the Tamil Congress, in the premises of the
Jaffna Town Hall. G.G. Ponnambalam the leader
announced “On this day the 4th of February 1957, I Declare an
Independent TAMIL NAD”. This was less than in levity. ‘Tamil Nad’ was delivered with perfect anglicized accent and
impeccable intonation. In India it was Madras State then and Thamil Eelam had not come into
vogue in Ceylon.
Following an
unremitting independence struggle, a rebel group that has grown over time and
is powerful enough to defend territory, considers such a declaration. Preceding
it is also serious preparation for recognition. None of it happened before this
UDI. What is surprising is, it is commented upon to
this day. It is also said that President Premadasa
reacting angrily to UDI dissolved the Council. After decapitation was it
necessary? No doubt a death certificate was needed. In March 1990, The
Provincial Council presided over its own liquidation. Regrettably enough we
were witness to its premature end. Mr. Sivarajah
lamented quoting the words of Bharathi – “Paathi thinkintra pothilae thaddi parippaan”. Hardly had I eaten half, than he snatched it
away.
(This article is a
tribute to the late Mr.V.N.Sivarajah whose services
were unparalleled. It was a persistent request of his to place on record, our
work and achievement in the NEPC and in the Ministries.) |
உனக்கு
நாடு இல்லை என்றவனைவிட
நமக்கு நாடே இல்லை
என்றவனால்தான்
நான் எனது நாட்டை
விட்டு விரட்டப்பட்டேன்.......
ராஜினி
திரணகம MBBS(Srilanka) Phd(Liverpool,
UK) 'அதிர்ச்சி
ஏற்படுத்தும்
சாமர்த்தியம்
விடுதலைப்புலிகளின்
வலிமை மிகுந்த
ஆயுதமாகும்.’ விடுதலைப்புலிகளுடன்
நட்பு பூணுவது
என்பது வினோதமான
சுய தம்பட்டம்
அடிக்கும் விவகாரமே.
விடுதலைப்புலிகளின்
அழைப்பிற்கு உடனே
செவிமடுத்து, மாதக்கணக்கில்
அவர்களின் குழுக்களில்
இருந்து ஆலோசனை
வழங்கி, கடிதங்கள்
வரைந்து, கூட்டங்களில்
பேசித்திரிந்து,
அவர்களுக்கு அடிவருடிகளாக
இருந்தவர்கள்மீது
கூட சூசகமான எச்சரிக்கைகள்,
காலப்போக்கில்
அவர்கள்மீது சந்தேகம்
கொண்டு விடப்பட்டன.........' (முறிந்த
பனை நூலில் இருந்து) (இந்
நூலை எழுதிய ராஜினி
திரணகம விடுதலைப்
புலிகளின் புலனாய்வுப்
பிரிவின் முக்கிய
உறுப்பினரான பொஸ்கோ
என்பவரால் 21-9-1989 அன்று
யாழ் பல்கலைக்கழக
வாசலில் வைத்து
சுட்டு கொல்லப்பட்டார்) Its
capacity to shock was one of the L.T.T.E. smost potent weapons. Friendship with
the L.T.T.E. was a strange and
self-flattering affair.In the course of the coming days dire hints were dropped
for the benefit of several old friends who had for months sat on committees,
given advice, drafted latters, addressed meetings and had placed themselves at
the L.T.T.E.’s beck and call. From: Broken Palmyra வடபுலத்
தலமையின் வடஅமெரிக்க
விஜயம் (சாகரன்) புலிகளின்
முக்கிய புள்ளி
ஒருவரின் வாக்கு
மூலம் பிரபாகரனுடன் இறுதி வரை இருந்து முள்ளிவாய்கால் இறுதி சங்காரத்தில் தப்பியவரின் வாக்குமூலம் திமுக, அதிமுக, தமிழக மக்கள் இவர்களில் வெல்லப் போவது யார்? (சாகரன்) தங்கி நிற்க தனி மரம் தேவை! தோப்பு அல்ல!! (சாகரன்) (சாகரன்) வெல்லப்போவது
யார்.....? பாராளுமன்றத்
தேர்தல் 2010 (சாகரன்) பாராளுமன்றத்
தேர்தல் 2010 தேர்தல்
விஞ்ஞாபனம் - பத்மநாபா
ஈழமக்கள் புரட்சிகர
விடுதலை முன்னணி 1990
முதல் 2009 வரை அட்டைகளின்
(புலிகளின்) ஆட்சியில்...... (fpNwrpad;> ehthe;Jiw) சமரனின்
ஒரு கைதியின் வரலாறு 'ஆயுதங்கள்
மேல் காதல் கொண்ட
மனநோயாளிகள்.'
வெகு விரைவில்... மீசை
வைச்ச சிங்களவனும்
ஆசை வைச்ச தமிழனும் (சாகரன்) இலங்கையில் 'இராணுவ'
ஆட்சி வேண்டி நிற்கும்
மேற்குலகம், துணை செய்யக்
காத்திருக்கும்;
சரத் பொன்சேகா
கூட்டம் (சாகரன்) எமது தெரிவு
எவ்வாறு அமைய வேண்டும்? பத்மநாபா
ஈபிஆர்எல்எவ் ஜனாதிபதித்
தேர்தல் ஆணை இட்ட
அதிபர் 'கை', வேட்டு
வைத்த ஜெனரல்
'துப்பாக்கி' ..... யார் வெல்வார்கள்?
(சாகரன்) சம்பந்தரே!
உங்களிடம் சில
சந்தேகங்கள் (சேகர்) (m. tujuh[g;ngUkhs;) தொடரும்
60 வருடகால காட்டிக்
கொடுப்பு ஜனாதிபதித்
தேர்தலில் தமிழ்
மக்கள் பாடம் புகட்டுவார்களா? (சாகரன்) ஜனவரி இருபத்தாறு! விரும்பியோ
விரும்பாமலோ இரு
கட்சிகளுக்குள்
ஒன்றை தமிழ் பேசும்
மக்கள் தேர்ந்தெடுக்க
வேண்டும்.....? (மோகன்) 2009 விடைபெறுகின்றது!
2010 வரவேற்கின்றது!! 'ஈழத் தமிழ்
பேசும் மக்கள்
மத்தியில் பாசிசத்தின்
உதிர்வும், ஜனநாயகத்தின்
எழுச்சியும்' (சாகரன்) மகிந்த ராஜபக்ஷ
& சரத் பொன்சேகா. (யஹியா
வாஸித்) கூத்தமைப்பு
கூத்தாடிகளும்
மாற்று தமிழ் அரசியல்
தலைமைகளும்! (சதா. ஜீ.) தமிழ்
பேசும் மக்களின்
புதிய அரசியல்
தலைமை மீண்டும்
திரும்பும் 35 வருடகால
அரசியல் சுழற்சி!
தமிழ் பேசும் மக்களுக்கு
விடிவு கிட்டுமா? (சாகரன்) கப்பலோட்டிய
தமிழனும், அகதி
(கப்பல்) தமிழனும் (சாகரன்) சூரிச்
மகாநாடு (பூட்டிய)
இருட்டு அறையில்
கறுப்பு பூனையை
தேடும் முயற்சி (சாகரன்) பிரிவோம்!
சந்திப்போம்!!
மீண்டும் சந்திப்போம்!
பிரிவோம்!! (மோகன்) தமிழ்
தேசிய கூட்டமைப்புடன்
உறவு பாம்புக்கு
பால் வார்க்கும்
பழிச் செயல் (சாகரன்) இலங்கை
அரசின் முதல் கோணல்
முற்றும் கோணலாக
மாறும் அபாயம் (சாகரன்) ஈழ விடுலைப்
போராட்டமும், ஊடகத்துறை
தர்மமும் (சாகரன்) (அ.வரதராஜப்பெருமாள்) மலையகம்
தந்த பாடம் வடக்கு
கிழக்கு மக்கள்
கற்றுக்கொள்வார்களா? (சாகரன்) ஒரு பிரளயம்
கடந்து ஒரு யுகம்
முடிந்தது போல்
சம்பவங்கள் நடந்து
முடிந்துள்ளன.! (அ.வரதராஜப்பெருமாள்)
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